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Stamping in a puddle of poison

Online commentary: Inspections, not war, are the safest way to disarm Saddam Hussein. An invasion could be the quickest way to get undeclared weapons into terrorist hands

Dan Plesch
Sunday February 16, 2003


How do we get Saddam to disarm and keep any chemical and biological weapons out of the hands of terrorists? This remains the key question after Friday's presentations at the United Nations from Hans Blix and Mohammed Elbarradei.

Both their reports concluded that Iraq had failed to fully comply with the UN resolution 1441. They also concluded that they had found no evidence of weapons of mass destruction.

On nuclear weapons the IAEA found that there was no significant new nuclear programme. However they are vigorously pursuing questions concerning possible components for bomb making equipment. These include specialised aluminum tubes and magnets.

On biological and chemical weapons Hans Blix made clear that there was still serious concern over unaccounted VX gas and anthrax which Saddam claims no longer exists.

On missiles, Saddam has been found to have weapons that slightly excede the 150 kilometre limit set by the UN. While still a very short range, the techniques being developed might contribute to future programmes.

So it is clear that Iraq has not fully complied with the UN's demands.

But what both Blix and Elbaradei also made clear is that they see inspections as an effective means of preventing Saddam posing a threat.

Reinforced inspections have the potential to keep the lid on new efforts by Saddam and continue to uncover and destroy illegal weaponry. The discovery of the illicit missile programme is concrete proof that inspections can work to disarm Iraq. These weapons have been identified and will now be destroyed without war.

The inspection process involves no loss of life or political turmoil. It requires 250, or perhaps 2,500 staff at a cost of 100 or 200 million dollars a year. In contrast war risks much, will kill many and involve hundreds of thousands of troops and hundreds of billions of dollars. Hans Blix made this very clear in a lunchtime briefing to reporters at the UN last week.

What was remarkable in Blix's remarks were a series of coded rebukes for Colin Powell. Blix specifically discounted Powell's claims about the movement of vehicles to coincide with inspections, the presence of chemical decontamination units and explained that for example two satellite photographs showing contrasting scenes were taken weeks apart. With what passes for dripping sarcasm at the UN, Blix said that nevertheless he appreciated Powell's briefing.

Blix went further in criticising Powell's presentation. He said that it was useful to get intelligence from member states when dealing with Iraq's closed society and that this was 'gradually increasing.' He had previously gone out of his way to praise intelligence given by Germany. On this occasion he stated that 'confidence could not arise' if government 'assertions' were not backed up by evidence.

Nevertheless, it is clear that Iraq has not properly accounted for its activities even if the US claims are feeble. In making the choice between reinforced inspections and invasion, one unconsidered issue needs to be thought through.

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What will happen to any chemical or biological materials if the US kills Saddam and blows up Iraq? How will we then find these materials? Those who know where they are may be dead or fleeing. Written records may be burnt, lost or scattered. How many of those who know the truth about these weapons will want to come forward to tell what they know? Afterall, defection is already an option and the fear of reprisals will not go away simply because there are US troops in fortified camps scattered around Iraq.

Any remaining poisons may simply lie unnoticed in the ground until they decay or are accidentally uncovered and perhaps released. Finally, of course those with the knowledge may flee or go to ground. They may take samples of these deadly materials with them, or return later. They may use their knowledge as currency and a passport to other regimes and to terrorist groups. Is this likely? Nobody can know for sure. But if anything is certain it is this. Destroying by war Saddam's control over any hidden stocks and forcing those involved to flee is the surest method of getting weapons of mass destruction into the hands of terrorists. An invasion of Iraq should be characterised as stamping in a puddle of poison.

· Dan Plesch is Senior Research Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (www.rusi.org) and writes a monthly online commentary for Observer Worldview.

Send us your views

You can contact the author via dplesch@rusi.org or send your views to Observer site editor Sunder Katwala at observer@guardianunlimited.co.uk with comments on articles or ideas for future pieces.


Iraq crisis
Special report: the anti-war movement
Special report: Iraq

Observer special reports
Iraq: Observer special
Terrorism crisis: special report
Observer Worldview

Peace protests
16.02.2003: Euan Ferguson reports on a historic peace march
16.02.2003: Mary Riddell: The great unheard finally speak out
Audio: Sarah Left at the peace march
Talk: the peace march
16.02.2003: Glasgow: Clans gather to say No
16.02.2003: Dublin brought to a halt by march
16.02.2003: People power takes to the world's streets
16.02.2003: Baghdad: 'We will fight to the last drop of our blood'
Special report: the anti-war movement

In pictures
Gallery: The peace marches

Iraq crisis news
16.02.2003: Iraqi opposition slams plan for military governor
16.02.2003: US to punish German 'treachery'

Blair's dilemma
16.02.2003: Blair stakes his political future on beating Iraq
16.02.2003: Tony Blair: The price of my conviction
16.02.2003: Andrew Rawnsley: It's do or die, Prime Minister
Comment highlights: best of Andrew Rawnsley

Diplomatic meltdown
16.02.2003: Focus: Worlds apart on war
16.02.2003: Ladies' man who swept UN off its feet
16.02.2003: The war of words between France and the US
16.02.2003: The experts: After Blix, what next?
16.02.2003: What the papers say around the world

Terror crackdown
16.02.2003: Shots in the dark against an unknown enemy
War on Terrorism: Observer special

Observer Comment
16.02.2003: Leader: We must not rule out war
16.02.2003: Anthony Sampson: Why is Britain so committed to this war?
16.02.2003: Nick Cohen: The Left isn't listening
16.02.2003: Dan Plesch: Disarm Saddam without war
16.02.2003: Henry Porter: One US rule for Israel, another for Saddam
16.02.2003: Peter Preston: Ask the press - or the owners

Iraq after Saddam
16.02.2003: Iraqi opposition slams plan for military governor
16.02.2003: Kanan Makiya: Our hopes betrayed
Talk: Iraq's democrats betrayed
09.02.2003: Focus: The Iraq Bush will build
09.02.2003: Robert L Barry: The next Yugoslavia?
02.02.2003: Gil Loescher: Failure to prepare for the refugee crisis

The economics of war
16.02.2003: Iraq nets handsome profit by dumping dollar for euro
16.02.2003: Miserly markets mean a hell of a deficit headache
02.02.2003: War 'would mean biggest oil shock ever'
02.02.2003: What happens when markets go to war?
02.02.2003: Duncan McLaren: What will happen to Iraq's oil?
02.02.2003: Economy: The high price of toppling Saddam
02.02.2003: Vincent Cable: The economic consequences of war

Observer Leader - and your responses
19.01.2003: Leader: Why force may be needed
09.02.2003: Readers' Editor: Considering the editorial line
26.01.2003: Letters: What you say about our stand on Iraq
09.02.2003: Letters: The great war debate
02.02.2003: Peter Preston: Drawing up press battle lines
26.01.2003: More views: international feedback
19.01.2003: Debate: What prominent Britons think
Talk: Where do you stand on Iraq?
Email your views to debate@observer.co.uk

Assessing the evidence
09.02.2003: Jason Burke: Powell doesn't know who he is up against
09.02.2003: Jason Burke: The missing link?
09.02.2003: Focus: First casualties in the propaganda firefight
09.02.2003: Leader: The dossier that shamed Britain

Observer highlights: the broadest debate
09.02.2003: Mary Riddell: With Bible and bombs
02.02.2003: David Aaronovitch: Why the Left is wrong on Saddam
26.01.2003: Andrew Rawnsley: Crunch time at Camp David
26.01.2003: Charles Kennedy: We're being bulldozed into war
26.01.2003: Mary Riddell: Don't disdain the doves
26.01.2003: Terry Jones: I'm losing patience with my neighbours, Mr Bush
05.01.2003: Nick Cohen: Saddam won't run
14.07.2002: John Pilger: The great charade
29.12.2002: Ken Nichols: Back to Iraq as a human shield
22.12.2002: Leader: If it's war, it has to be legitimate
15.09.2002: Jason Burke: Return to Kurdistan
01.09.2002: Dilip Hiro: When US turned a blind eye to poison gas
11.08.2002: Nick Cohen: Who will save Iraq?
04.08.2002: Richard Harries: Not a just war
25.08.2002: Christopher Hitchens: With friends like these
22.09.2002: Terry Jones: The audacious courage of Mr Blair
22.09.2002: Rosemary Hollis: Hawks won't stop with Baghdad
11.08.2002: Mark Leonard: Could the left back war?
17.03.2002: John Lloyd: Anti-Americanism betrays the left
24.02.2002: Andrew Rawnsley: How to deal with the American goliath
17.02.2002: Terry Jones: OK, George, make with the friendly bombs
02.12.2001: David Rose: The doves are wrong - again

Special reports
Iraq: Observer special
Observer Worldview
Afghanistan
Terrorism crisis
Islam and the West

More global commentary
More from Peter Beaumont
More from Jason Burke
More from Ed Vulliamy
More from Mark Leonard
More from Dan Plesch
Worldview highlights: debating American power

Useful links
UNSCOM
UN resolutions on Iraq
British Foreign Office: Relations with Iraq
US State Department Iraq Update
Arab.net - Iraq resources
Campaign against Sanctions on Iraq
Centre for non-proliferation studies






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